Guide: How to cite a Newspaper in American Journal of Epidemiology style

Guide: How to cite a Newspaper in American Journal of Epidemiology style

Cite A Newspaper in American Journal of Epidemiology style

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Use the following template to cite a newspaper using the American Journal of Epidemiology citation style. For help with other source types, like books, PDFs, or websites, check out our other guides. To have your reference list or bibliography automatically made for you, try our free citation generator.

Key:

Pink text = information that you will need to find from the source.
Black text = text required by the American Journal of Epidemiology style.

Reference list

Place this part in your bibliography or reference list at the end of your assignment.

Template:

1. Author Surname Author Initial. Title. Publication Title. Year Published;:Pages Used. (http://Website-Url). (Accessed October 10 , 2013)

Example:

1. United States Institute of Peace. Special Report. Washington, DC: 2003 (Accessed April 28 , 2015).(http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/sr98.pdf). (Accessed April 28 , 2015)

In-text citation

Place this part right after the quote or reference to the source in your assignment.

Template

(1)

Example

What is the casus belli for a military attack on Iraq? Among the several causes put
forward by the Bush administration, the most troubling is its argument for preemptive
or preventive use of force. Like many ethicists, the bishops recognize that preemptive
or anticipatory use of force is sometimes morally permissible, but only in the exceptional
case where there is a clear and present danger, or a grave and imminent threat. Ethicists
and others differ on whether Iraq poses such a threat. . . . Whether or not the Iraqi
threat is, in fact, imminent, what is disturbing is that the Bush administration has taken
the concept of preemption as an option in exceptional cases and turned it into a new
doctrine about the legitimacy of the unilateral use of preventive war to deal not just
with imminent threats, but with merely potential or gathering dangers. . . .
Justifying preventive war in this way would represent a sharp departure from just war
norms. As Cardinal Ratzinger, head of the Vatican Congregation for the Doctrine of the
Faith, has noted, the concept “does not appear in the Catechism of the Catholic Church”
(“Cardinal Ratzinger Says Unilateral Attack on Iraq Not Justified,” ZENIT News Agency,
September 22, 2002). Preventive war would set a terrible precedent. Where would this
doctrine lead? What criteria would permit Pakistan, Israel, and India to have nuclear
weapons, but not Iraq, Iran, or North Korea? Would the world be a safer place if all countries
embraced this new doctrine of preventive force to deal with the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction?
It might be that the administration is not advocating preventive war but merely
redefining “preemption” in order to deal with weapons of mass destruction held by
rogue states. If that is the case, it must be done very carefully so as not to erase the
vital distinction between impermissible preventive and permissible preemptive interThe
bishops “fear that resort
to war, under present circumstances
and in light of current
public information, would not
meet the strict conditions in
Catholic teaching for overriding
the strong presumption against
the use of military force.”
Justifying preventive war in this
way would represent a sharp
departure from just war norms. 
5
ventions. For example, what criteria would justify a new concept of preemption: possession,
intent to possess, threatened use, a history of aggression? Would preemption to
enforce non-proliferation be justifiable even when the nation claiming the right to preempt
itself relies on weapons of mass destruction and threatens their preemptive use?
Given the difficulties in redefining preemption without, in effect, justifying preventive
war, the bishops have tried to reinforce existing conceptions of just cause by questioning
the morality of any use of force absent “clear and adequate evidence of an imminent
attack of a grave nature.”
A second justification for the use of force against Iraq is based on Iraq’s alleged links
to terrorism. While the administration has not made it the principal case for going to
war with Iraq, it has tried to connect the Iraqi regime to al Qaeda. According to the bishops,
there would be just cause to use force against Iraq if there was clear and adequate
evidence of Iraqi involvement in the attacks of September 11. In that case, the use of
force would be an act of self-defense, just as force could be justified against the Taliban
in Afghanistan, given its intimate relationship to al Qaeda and the considerable evidence
at the time that al Qaeda was responsible for the 9/11 attacks. The key factual question
is whether and to what extent Iraq is tied to al Qaeda or similar terrorist groups. Given
that al Qaeda is estimated to operate in some sixty countries, military action to overthrow
the regime (as opposed to other less forceful measures) would have to be based
on evidence of substantial support.
A third basis for justifying force is humanitarian intervention. The need for humanitarian
intervention has been more implicit than explicit in the administration’s arguments
in large part because it departs from the their broader strategy of using military
force only when vital national security interests are at stake and their stated distaste for
engaging in “international social work” and nation building. Others, however, have made
a moral case for humanitarian intervention. In many respects, humanitarian intervention
represents St. Augustine’s classic case: love may require force to protect the innocent.
Pope John Paul II, citing the “conscience of humanity and international
humanitarian law,” has gone beyond standard interpretations of international law in
claiming that nations and the international community have not only a right, but a duty
of humanitarian intervention “where the survival of populations and entire ethnic groups
is seriously compromised” (“Address to the Int (1)

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