These are the sources and citations used to research subverting patriarchal societal norms - narrative therapy. This bibliography was generated on Cite This For Me on
In-text: (Spender, 1998)
Your Bibliography: Spender, D. (1998). Man made language. London: Pandora.
. I remember being the headline of every newspaper and magazine. Everything I read about myself was damning. I was called a whore and a witch. One headline compared me to Satan. I said, ‘Wait a minute, isn’t Prince running around with fishnets and high heels and lipstick with his butt hanging out?’ Yes, he was. But he was a man. but my real muse was David Bowie. He embodied male and female spirit and that suited me just fine. He made me think there were no rules. But I was wrong. “There are no rules — if you’re a boy. “This was the first time I truly understood women do not have the same freedom as men. “What I would like to say to all women here today is this: Women have been so oppressed for so long they believe what men have to say about them. They believe they have to back a man to get the job done. And there are some very good men worth backing, but not because they’re men — because they’re worthy. As women, we have to start appreciating our own worth and each other’s worth. Seek out strong women to befriend, to align yourself with, to learn from, to collaborate with, to be inspired by, to support, and enlightened by.”
In-text: (Ciccione, 2016)
Your Bibliography: Ciccione, M. (2016). I'm Madonna. And This Is the Blatant Sexism, Misogyny, and Bullying I've Faced. [online] Digital Music News. Available at: https://www.digitalmusicnews.com/2016/12/10/madonna-sexism-misogyny-women/ [Accessed 29 Dec. 2017].
In-text: (Brodwin, 2017)
Your Bibliography: Brodwin, E. (2017). The powerful men accused of sexual harassment can't blame their behavior on sex addiction — here's the key difference. [online] Business Insider. Available at: http://www.businessinsider.com/most-men-sexual-harassment-misconduct-arent-sex-addicts-2017-12 [Accessed 29 Dec. 2017].
The culture around a specific aspect of male dominance is experiencing a forced recognition of power imbalance and has the potential to enforce change. In what appears to be a seismic shift in what behavior is tolerated in the workplace, a cascade of high-profile men, many in the entertainment and news media industries, have since been fired or forced to resign after accusations of sexual misconduct that ranged from inappropriate comments to rape.
In-text: (Almukhtar, Gold and Buchanan, 2018)
Your Bibliography: Almukhtar, S., Gold, M. and Buchanan, L. (2018). After Weinstein: 49 Men Accused of Sexual Misconduct and Their Fall From Power. [online] Nytimes.com. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/11/10/us/men-accused-sexual-misconduct-weinstein.html [Accessed 23 Dec. 2017].
Peggy McIntosh states: have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was “meant” to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks. I have met very few men who are truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance, and, if so, what will we do to lessen them.
In-text: (McIntosh, 1989)
Your Bibliography: McIntosh, P. (1989). White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. Peace and Freedom Magazine, (July/August), pp.10-12.
Conflict also exists because of the cultural imposition of what Bob Connell calls hegemonic forms of masculinity.7 While most men can not possibly measure up to the dominant ideals of manhood, these maintain a powerful and often unconscious presence in our lives. They have power because they describe and embody real relations of power between men and women, and among men: patriarchy exists not simply as a system of men’s power over women, but also of hierarchies of power among different groups of men and between different masculinities. Whatever the forms of inequality, in all cases, these societies relations of power are structured into social and cultural, political and economic institutions. There is, though, a common factor to all these societies: all are societies of male domination.. The equation of masculinity with power is one that developed over centuries. It conformed to, and in turn justified, the real-life domination of men over women and the valuation of males over females The internalization of gender relations is a building block of our personalities – that is, it is the individual elaboration of gender, and our own subsequent contributions to replenishing and adapting institutions and social structures in a way that wittingly or unwittingly preserves patriarchal systems. Today, the rewards of hegemonic masculinity are simply not enough to compensate for the pain in the lives of so many men. For the majority of men in North American culture, at any rate, the pain of trying to conform and live up to the impossible standards of manhood outweigh the rewards they currently receive. In other words, patriarchy isn’t only a problem for women. On the psycho-dynamic level – the realm in which we can witness the interplay between social movements and the individual psyche – the challenge of feminism to men is one of dislodging the hegemonic masculine psyche.
In-text: (Kaufman, 1999)
Your Bibliography: Kaufman, M. (1999). Men, Feminism, and Men’s Contradictory Experiences of Power. In: J. Kuypers, ed., Men and Power. Halifax: Fernwood Books, pp.59-83.
The genealogy of institutional gaps for women traces to omissions from peace-making and transitionary "deal-making," compounding the normative legal gaps that facilitate further exclusions down the line. But additional exploration is required to assess why women remain structurally excluded, and in particular why they remain excluded as the processes of transition become increasingly internationalized violations in transitional societies has as much to do with the demands for accountability at the transitional moment as it has with the prior narrative of violence and causality. This narrative is significantly constructed by the watchful and deeply involved international community. It is a narrative with a distinctly gendered dimension. When it comes time in the settlement phase of a conflict or a regime handover, these prior interventions are critical to framing the way in which accountability is sought, articulated, and constructed. This construction comes from intact western conceptions of human rights hierarchies imbued with their inability to consider their own patriarchy and unwillingness to recognize it at work in an export form. It is important to recognize that the narrative constructed about the nature and form of violations in transitional societies has as much to do with the demands for accountability at the transitional moment as it has with the prior narrative of violence and causality. This narrative is significantly constructed by the watchful and deeply involved international community. It is a narrative with a distinctly gendered dimension.
In-text: (Aoláin, 2009)
Your Bibliography: Aoláin, F. (2009). Women, Security, and the Patriarchy of Internationalized Transitional Justice. Human Rights Quarterly, 31(4), pp.1055-1085.
The scholarly concentration on describing how inequalities are narratively produced instead of describing them as they exist has significantly contributed to our understanding of the nature of social inequality. However, most of the current research on narratives and inequality concentrates on either personal narratives (Harris 2000, 2004) or ideological level grand narratives (Chang 2000) andignores the fact that the work narratives do, including the production and structuring of inequality, is dialectically produced at multiple levels—cultural, institutional, organizational, and personal—and never exclusively at one level (Loseke 2007). In this study, using Somali origin narratives, we explore the ways in which narratives produced at the cultural, institutional, organizational, and personal levels dialectically structure the generic processes of othering, social stratification, and inequality. We define cultural level narratives as collective stories and representations that are embedded in a structured culture that constructs symbolic boundaries around types of social groups and individuals By institutional narratives, we mean stories produced at the political and policy-making levels that construct and legitimize specific political and policy boundaries around groups and individuals. Organizational narratives refer to stories produced by organizations that are in the business of protecting vulnerable individuals and/or are engaged in human rights advocacy. Narratives produced at the personal level refer to stories produced as a result of individuals struggling to locate themselves in relation to the boundaries constructed at the cultural, institutional, and organizational levels (Loseke 2007). We argue that the generic processes that produce, sustain, and perpetuate inequalities emerge from the continuous and reflexive interaction between narratives produced at the cultural, institutional, organizational, and personal levels. We specifically argue that with the continued interaction between narratives produced at different levels, they become fully entrenched as sui generis, social facts, to borrow from Durkheim, and ultimately become formulaic. And once formulaic, these narratives provide the generic formulas that structure the production and perpetuation of social stratification and inequality. However, since all narratives are incomplete in their hegemonic character (Maines 1993), they are continuously vulnerable to subversive stories (Ewick and Silbey 1995) and ultimately counter narratives that allow the excluded to find a mechanism for resistance. Counter narratives are therefore stories that rewrite the past in subversive ways. They defy the legitimization of the oppressors’ narratives and may even at times politically transform and set the conditions that generate counter hegemonic narratives (Ewick and Sibley 1995). For the purpose of this study, counter narratives are stories that continuously attempt to defy, even if unsuccessfully, the inequality structures that the Somali formula narratives erect and impose on those they exclude from the social boundary of Somaliness.
In-text: (Kusow and Eno, 2015)
Your Bibliography: Kusow, A. and Eno, M. (2015). Formula Narratives and the Making of Social Stratification and Inequality. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 1(3), pp.409-423.
The Weinstein Moment is also a chapter in the Trump Presidency. When the news broke about Weinstein, Trump declared that he was “not at all surprised.” He seemed intent on signalling that he was in the know, a man of the world. And yet his knowingness comes from a different source—his own history. And that history is a disgrace. Trump has indulged in more scandalous behavior than is easy to recount. For some reason, his record of misogyny, in both language and acts, his running compendium of self-satisfied creepiness, the accumulated complaints against him of sexual harassment and assault (all denied, of course), have attracted only modest attention, one defamation lawsuit, and no congressional interest. The specificity of these accusations—by a former Miss Utah, by a reporter for People, by several former teen-age beauty-pageant contestants, by his ex-wife Ivana, who said that he had torn out a patch of her hair and violated her—is disturbing. Breast groping, crotch grabbing, unwanted kisses on the mouth. This is the President of the United States.
In-text: (Remnick, 2017)
Your Bibliography: Remnick, D. (2017). Autumn of the Patriarchy: The Weinstein Moment and the Trump Presidency. The New Yorker, [online] (November 20, 2017). Available at: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/11/20/the-weinstein-moment-and-the-trump-presidency [Accessed 20 Dec. 2018].
Barbara Kay, a columnist for Canada’s National Post Rape on college campuses, she added, was a myth perpetrated by man-haters, and the concept of rape culture, how society can tacitly approve of or rationalize sexual assault, was “baseless moral panic.” “The vast majority of female students allegedly raped on campus are actually voicing buyer’s remorse from alcohol-fueled promiscuous behavior involving murky lines of consent on both sides,” she said, drawing chuckles from the audience. “It’s true. It’s their get-out-of-guilt-free card, you know like Monopoly.” The chuckles turned to guffaws. Dr. Tara Palmatier, a men’s rights activist who advertises herself as a “shrink for men,” explained that “feminism has evolved from the radical notion that women are people, to the radical notion that women are superior.” Palmatier explained that in our selfie-obsessed, reality-TV culture, women are rewarded for their narcissism and men are punished for their natural urges. To make her point, Palmatier presented a slideshow titled ”Equitable relationships in the age of female entitlement: An oxymoron.” One of the slides showed a photo of an underage Miley Cyrus with the caption, “Quit objectifying me. You’re being rapey!” “When men can be shamed just for being men, and women no longer have any sense of shame, it creates a dangerously lopsided dynamic between the sexes,” said Palmatier, who also denounced the ”rape culture hysteria being stoked across American college campuses.”
In-text: (Serwer, 2014)
Your Bibliography: Serwer, A. (2014). Men’s rights conference takes aim at feminism. [online] MSNBC. Available at: http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/mens-rights-conference-feminism [Accessed 14 Dec. 2017].
Our society uses the male heterosexual-homosexual dichotomy as a central symbol for all the rankings of masculinity, for the division on any grounds between males who are “real men” and have power, and males who are not. Any kind of powerlessness or refusal to compete becomes imbued with imagery of homosexuality. …. From the highest ranks of male power to the lowest, the gay-straight division is a central symbol of all the forms of ranking and power relationships which men put on each other. It has taken us much longer to recognize that there is a systematic sexual politics of male-male relationships as well. Under patriarchy, men’s relationships with other men cannot help but be shaped and patterned by patriarchal norms, though they are less obvious than the norms governing male-female relationships. Men do not just happily bond together to oppress women. In addition to hierarchy over women, men create hierarchies and rankings among themselves according to criteria of “masculinity.” Men at each rank of masculinity compete with each other, with whatever resources they have, for the differential payoffs that patriarchy allows men.
In-text: (Pleck, 1984)
Your Bibliography: Pleck, J. (1984). Men’s Power with Women, Other Men, and Society. In: E. Carmen and P. Rieker, ed., The Gender Gap in Psychotherapy. [online] Boston: Springer, pp.79-89. Available at: https://ISBN 978-1-4684-4754-5 [Accessed 15 Dec. 2017].
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